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Th.ro..o.io,l.«.r ,m w^b, D^iin^.^^^^^
O'Connell, in an.wer to a communtcattou receiv- «   thAorperty of hi. fellovman—you .peak in
edby the Loyal Repeal A.eociaiion of Ireland1 - •    • - -'•■- >**" -""u ■i-«m4-
from the Repeal Association of Cincinnati, in
which tbo attempt was made to apologize for the
continuance of Slavery In thia country, and  the
terms of indignation of thorn who would deprive
white men of their 'property* and thereby render
ihera leaa capable of suppling th-ir families in
affluence. You forget tb other side of the picture—vou hate neither sofrow nor sympathy for
tacit acquie.ence  in it.existence yielded by the  the ,0fferinfs of those whj arc iniquitou.ly com
lacn acquic. ' . .     .   .  .   l^*Tjed t0   labor for the aflience ot others; those
free State..   It i. written   in a spirit of christian philanthropy, and is worthy an attentive pe
rusal by all.
DANIEL O'CONNELL'S LETTER.
The commute to whom tbe address from the
who work without wages,
pense—who spend their .. _
others the splendor and vf-alth in which they d.
%ho toil without recom-
ives  in (procuring for
not participate.   Vou tftta
of the wretched black mc
y forget the suffering*
fc who  are deprived of
their all without any compensation  or redrest.
Cincinnati  Irish  Repeal  Aa.ociation,  on the   jf you yourselves all of
/
subject of negro slavery in the United States
of America, was refered, have agreed to the
following report;-—
To I>. T. Disnkt, Esq.,Corresponding Secretary,
W. HisTtR. Esq., Vice President, kc. &c.
" Corn Exchange Rooms, Dublin,
11th October, 1843.
4,f.EaTLMK»—We have read with tho deep-
eat affliction, not unmixed with some surprise and
much indignation, your detailed and anxious vindication of the most hideous crime that has ever
stained humanity—the slavery of men of color in
the United States of America.    Wo are lost in
utter atnszement at the perversion of mind and
depravity of heart which your address evinces.
How can the generous, the charitable; the humane, the noble emotions of tbe Irish beart have
become extinct amongst you!—How can your na-:
ture be so changed as that you should become the
apologists and advocates of lhat execrable system
which makes man ihe property of his fellow-man
—deatro)S the foundation of all moral and social
virtue—condemn,  to ignorance, immorality, and
irreligion, million, of our fellow-creatures—rem-
_d*rs the slave hopeless of relief, and perpetuates
oppression by law, and in the name of what you
call a constitution! I
" It was not in Ireland you learned this cruelty.   Your mother, were gentle, kind and humane.
Their bosoms overflowed with the honey of human charity.    Your sisters are probably many of
them still amongst us, and participate in all that
i. good and benevolent in sentiment and action.
Moto then can you have become so depraved?—
How can your soul, havo become stained with a
darkness blacker than tbe negro', skinl—You .ay
you have no pecuniary interest in negro slavery.
Would lhat you had I for it might be some palliation of ynur crime! but, alas! you have inflicted
upon ua the horror of beholding you the volunteer advocates of despotism in it. mn.t frightful
state; of alavery in its most loathsome snd unrelenting form.
"We were, unhappily, prepared to expect some
fesrfot exhibition of tbis description.    There has
been a testimony borne against tbe Irish, by birth
or descent, in America, by a person fully informed a. to the facts, and incapable of the slightest
misrepresentation—a noble of nature more than
or titled birth—a man gifted with the highest
order of tslenY and the most generous emotions
of tbe heart—ihe great, the good Lord Morpeth,
he who, in the House of Commons, boldly asserted  the. superior social morality of the  poorer
claa.es of the Irish bver any other people—he;
the best friend of any of the Saxon race that Ireland or the Irish ever knew—be, amidst congregated   thousand, at Exeter Hall, in  London,
mournfully, but firmly, denounced the Irish in
America as being amongst the worst enemies of
the negro .lav., and othrr men of colour.
" It is, therefore, our solemn and sacred duty
to warn you ia words already used, and much
misunderstood by you, to 'come out of her,' not
thereby meaning to ask you to come
merica! but out of the council* of the iniquitous,
. and out of the congregation of the wicked, who
consider man a chattel and a property, and liberty an inconvenience.    Yes, we tell you to come
out of such sssemblages; but wo did not, and do j
not, iuvtte you to return to Ireland.   The volun-■
teer defenders of slavery, surrounded  by  one
thousand crimes, would find neither sympathy
were, without crime or o
ou, or if any of jounce commuted by yoi
handed over into perpetual slav« ry—if you were
compelled to work from aViirise lo sunset without
wages—supplied only wih such coarse food and
(raiment as would keep jtu in working order—if
when your 'owner' fell htodebt, you were sold
to pay air debts, not youi >wn—if it were made a
crime to teach you to rador to write—if/you
were  Irable to bo separied, in this distribution
lamuch as you rely on tbe constitution of tbe A- '
mcrican States .. precluding the abolition of
slavery, whilst you* totally omit all mention of
•ne district, which the constitutional law alleged
•>y you does not reach—we mean the District of
Columbia.
M In the district of Columbia there is no con*
stitutiooal law to prevent the congress from totally abolishing slavery in that diairict. Your
capital is there—the hail of your republican representatives—the hall of your republican senators—the national palace of your republican Presl-
dent is there—and slavery is there, too, in its
most revolting form. The slave trade is there—
the moat disgusting traffic in human beings is
there. Human fleuh is bought and sold like .wine
in ihe pif> market—aye, in your capital,-yonr
Washington.' Ye., let American, be a. proud
aa they please, this black spot is on their escutcheon. Even under the shade of ihe temple of
their constitution, the man of color crawls a slave
and ihe ta*ny American stalks a tyrant.
M The cruelty of the slave principle, rest, not
there, it goo» much farther. The wretched alsvea
are totally prohibited from petitioning congress;
the  poor aod paltry  privilege even of prayer 1.
~.oTt>     I Mil A   tO   bO    .eparSeO,   HI   IIIIM UlOiripuuvill aaaw     ^w«.     ---   , j      r- -      -    ■» .      \jtm.Ummm-
■?..,£, from vour *>. and your children-if denied them; and you even you, friend.. Irishmen,
.w/lll   weTeto L  into the hands of a  are the advocate, and  vindicators.of such I .y.-
bTuUfmasteMuu you pe.cend lo admit that  tern.     What! would not you at least insist that
Jhe e ere  Yome brutal faster, in America-if a-1 their groan, should be heard!
mong all the circumstAicea tome friendly spirit
of a more generous onje were desirous to give
liberty to you and to jyiur families, with what
ineffable disgust would, ou not laugh to scorn
those who should tralice the generous spirits
who would relieve you J* you now, pseudo Irishmen—shame upon you]—have traduced and vilified the abolitionists of N'orth America.
M But vou came fortl with a justification, forsooth! You say that tb constitution in America
prohibits the abolitiohof slavery. Paltry and
miserable subterfuge! The constitution of A-
merica is founded upoi the declaration of independence; that doclaratun published to the world
| its glorious principlea^hai charier of your freedom contained these emphatic worda—
" We hold these truus lo be self evident that
ALL MEN ARE'CIEATED EQUAL: that
rbey are endowed by tcir Creator with certain
'unalienable' rights; tbt amongst these are life,
LIBERTY,and ihe pursuits of happiness." And
tho conclusion of thstaddress is in these words:
'For tbe support of tbs declaration, with a firm
reliance upon the Proiction of Divine Ptovidence
we mutually pledge c :h other our lives, our fortunes, and oua bacr'k  honor.'
"There is Ameru.n honor for you! There
ia a profane illusion t> the adorable Creator!
" Recollect thai tl. declaration does not limit
the equality of manic the right to life and liberty to the white, lotto brown, or to the copper-
colored races; it inpldes all races—it excludes
none. -       i
" We do not dfl;a to argue with you, oji the
terms of the America constitution, aod we can
not help asserting jtat in that constitution the
words 'slavery* or '.-ave' are not to bo found.
There are, indeed, tb words; {persona-bound to
labor,' but it is not .id Mow bound; and a constitutional lawyer orjdge, construing the American constitution wit: a reference to ihe declaration of independent* which is its basis, would
not hesitate to dealt that 'bound to labor' ought
in a court of justictto mean 'hound by contract
to labor,' and show-oot be held to imply forced
or compelled to labo-' in the absence of all contract, and for the elusive benefit of othera.
Frpeat lhat we do not deign to
ii you, as we proclaim to tbe
■ction that no couatitutional
►.nction slavery.     Slavery is
f-sl priucple. uf society; but
i say, us regards Ameiicans,
ougnaut m that declaration of
inen, and to tbe inalienable
4 life and liberty-.    To this
i
"However, w<
argue this point
the world our c<
law can create
repugnant to th«
it is enough for
that it is utterly
the equality of
right of all meoj
declaration the f'
have, in the pert
pledged their4'
» We shall a|
citizena of the United States
tof their ancestors, solemnly
rl honor.* . .
cce show you how that 'sacred
It is carried still farther. Even the freeborn
white Americans are not allowed to petition upon
the subject, including tho question of slavery; or,
at least, no such petition can be read aloud or
printed; and although the congress is entitled to
abuliah slavery io Columbia, the door for petition
praying that abolition is closed without the power of being opened.
" We really think that men who came froi
generous and warm-hearted Ireland should ahrin
into nonentity rather than become the advocates
and defendant, of the system of slavery. But wo
trust that the voice of indignant Ireland Will
scathe them, and prevent them from repeating
such a criroeV^/-.
'*In another point ef view, ytreraedi
possible, more eulpable. You state that bef i
the abolitionists proclaimed the wish to have i •
v.ry abolished, several slave-holding States w i
preparing for the gradual emancipation of ll r
negroes, and that humano individuals in ot r
States were about to adopt similar measures.
" We utterly deny your assertion, and we < r
you to show any single instance of preparat y
steps taken by any State for the eraancipatioi <f
the negro*, before the abolition demand wa.n i-
ed. You violate tbe truth in that asecrtij
There were no such preparations. It is a p|
fiction invented by slavehoidera out of their
just animosity to the abolitionists. It is si
that the fear of abolition has rendered the elok-
holder more strict,.harsh, and cruel towards thltir
wretched slaves, and that they would be mere
gentle and humane, if they were not afraid of their
abolitionists. We repeat that thi. ia not true,
and ia merely an attempt to cast blame on those
who coalesce to put an end to negro slavery.
" It is in the same spirit that the criminal ca»
lumniaf.'B his pros.cutor, snd the fellon revile.
his accuser. It is therefore utterly untrue that
the slaveholders have made the chain* of the negro more heavy through any fear of ahnlitinhi^^,,..
" Yet, if you tell the truth—if tho fact betlat
the negro is  made to suffer for the zeal oft fie
abolitionists—if  he  i. treated with  increased
cruelty by reason of the fault of the friends of
abolition—then, indeed, tbe slaveholders mustbo
truly a.atauic race.     Their conduct, accordng
to you is, diabolical.    Tbe abolitionist. cotsiHt
an offence, and the unhappy negroes are puniih-
ed.   The abolitionists violate tho law of property, and the penalty of their crime is imposed ip-
on the negro!   Can any thing-be more repug£unt
to every idea of justice!    Out this is your statement.
" We, on the other hand, utterly deny the truth
of your allegations, and where we find vou calumniate the slaveholders, we become their advocate against your calumny. You calumniate
every body—slaves, abolitionists and slave own-
no?Vu7poct enioDgst tbe native uncontamtnatedl^0^,^ dfJX.r -«^. .our add.ei. is. in J every body. (to bb coimauin )
ji)f candor your tddseia is, in J every body.
PAIiLAMtTM OF LIBERTY.
"WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO DE SELF EVIDENT, THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED FHEE AND EQUAL."
VOL.  1.
COLUMBUS, WEDNESDAY,    FEBRUARY 14,1844.
NO. 3,
D. JENKINS, Editor.
9 Thi. paper will be published under the supervision of an Executive committee of seven persons. It .hall be devoted lo the imere«te of I for
people generally, and not to any exclusive set of
individual*.
All communications intended for the paper
must be addresved to the Editor,   post pud.
Any peraon obtuinlng oight new subscribers,
and forwarding the money fur the same shall be
entitled to one copy gratia.
•
7Vrin«—The paper will bo published weekly,
at 75 cents per annum, to be paid invariably in
advance.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Culumbus—D. Jenkins Editor, L.  D. Tailor,
E.  Field.. L   Jenkin., A. M. Tailor, G. W.
Stanton, 1)  Burner.
•'Thirdly—We ai»k you to assist in obtain no;
for the free men of color the full benefit of nil
the rights and franchises of a freeman in what
ever stale he may inhibit.
"Fourthly—We ask yt u to exert yourselves
tn endeavoring to procure for the man of color
in every case the benefit of trial by jury, and
•specially where a man insisting that be is a
rceman, is claimed to be a slave.
and we ogreo with him, lhat he has claims on
the intention of Iribhmett in every quarter of
the globe; the Scotch and French philosophers
have proved, by many years experience, that
the Irishman stands firstt among the races of
man, is his physical and bodily powers; Amerce and Europe bear testimony to'the intellec-
(uul capacity of Irishmen. Lord Morpeth has
demonstrated in the British parliament the su-
"Fifthly—We ask you to exert yourselves pcrior morality of the humble claascs_of Irish
Daniel o'connell's letter.
conctvuncn.
•*We cannot avoid repealing in our astonish
ment that you, Irishmen, should be so devoid
of every trace of humanity as to become the
valuntary and pecuniary disinterested advocates of human slavery, and especially that you
should be so in America; but what excites our
unconquerable loathing in, and that in your
address you .peak of man being the property
of roan—of one human being, being Ihe prop,
erty of another, with as little doubt, hesitation
or repugnance a. if you were speaking of the
beast, of the field. It is thi. that fill, us with
niter astonishment—it is this that makes us
disclaim you as" countrymen. We cannot
bring ourselves to believe that you breathed
your native a t in Ireland—Ireland, the first of
all the nations of the earth that abolished the
dealing in slaves—tho slavn trade of that da>
was, curiously enough, a slave trade in British
youths—Ireland that never was stained with
negro slave tradings Ireland, that never com
milted an offence against the men of color-
Ireland, that nover fitted out a single \essel for
the traffic in blojd on the African coasts.
"It is, then lo be sure, articling and heartrending to us lo think that so many of the Iriyh
in America should be ho degenerate as to be
uniongst the worst enemies of the people of col
or. Alas, alas, we have lhat fact placed he
yond a doubt by the indisputable testimony of
Lord M irpeth. This is a foul blot that we
vould fain wipe off the escutcheun ofexpatiat.
til  Irishmen*
"Have you enough of tho genuine Irishmen
left amongst you to ask what it is wo require
you to dot It is ibis:     ,
"First—We call  upon you in the  .acred
name of humanity never again to volunteer on
behalf of the oppressor; nor even for any adi
interest to vindivute that hciuours crime of per
sjual slavery.
"Secondly—We a.k you to assist in every
way you can in promoting the education 0f the
free men of color, and in discouoteoancinff the
foolish feelings of selfishness, of that criminal
selfishness, which make, the white man treat
the man of color as a d.-graded or inferior be
in all thu ways you possibly can to put an end
to the internal slave tmde of the states-r-lhe
breeding of slaves for sale is probably tbe must
immortal oud debasing practice ever known in
(he world It is a crime of the most hideous
kind; and if there were no other crime committed by ihe American.*, this alone would
place On: advocates, supporters, and praclisers
f Ameiican slavery in (ho lowest grade ol
criminals. v
"Seventhly—Wo ask you to use every exer
lion in your power to procure the abolition o
slavory by the Congress in the District of Co
lumbin.
Eighthly—We ask you to use your best c
ertions to compel the Congress to receive an..
read the pel it ion. of the wretched negiocs, and
above all, tho petitions of their white advo
eaten.
"Ninthly—We ask you never to cease your
efforts until (he crime of which Lord Morpeth
has ncciisotf'ihe Irish in America, *of being (he
worst enemies of the colored men* shall be
atoned for and biutted out and effaced forever.
"You will ask bo.v you can do all these
things? Vou havo already answered thatqucs.
tion yourselves, for you have said that public
opinim is thu !a,v of America. Contribute,
then, each of you in his sphere, to make up
(oral franchise give your votes to none but
those who will assist you in so holy a .trug\
gle.
"Under a popular government, (he man who
has right, and reason, and j istice, and Christianity itself at his side, has the great instruments of legislation nnd legal power, lie has
the elemen's about him of tho greulest utility;
and even if he should not succeed, he can have
h-' heart soothing consolation of having en-
levoreJ to do great and gord actions. He
can anjuy, even in d^teal, (he tiweet comfort ol
having e idcavorcd to ponijte benevolence
and charily.
"It is t|o excuse to allege lhat the Congress
is restricted from emancipating tho siuves bv
one general  f&tv.    Etch patt cuiur aiave state
has that power within its own precincts; and
there is everv reason to bo convinced ihaf'Ma
ryland and Virginia would have followed lb:-
example of New Yjrk, and long ago abolished
slavery but for ihe diabolical prayctii-'e of 'rajs
ing1 (is you call it) stave* f'.<r  the southern
market of pestilence and dea>b.
"Irishmen and the son. of Irishmen, have,
many of them, risen to h'wU distinction and
power in Aintrica. Why should uul Irishmen
write their names in tbe brightest puges of the
chapter of humanity and bcuevolcncc io American hititory.
''lribhmen, our chairman ventures to think,
that public opinion.     WhereI you have the elrft+S;" ° , "V^1  " T   •       f ?*tll&-
toral franchise irivo  vour  Ln« u> ,^JLA™nt* '^t the violence and misconduct of iho
in dll social and family relations. The religious fidelity of the Irish nation is emblazoned
in glorious and proverbial certainty and
splendor.
"Sans of Ireland! descendants of the kind
heart and affectionate disposition! think,Oh!
think only with pity and compassion on your
colored fellow creatures in America. Offer
them the hand of kindly help, soothe their sorrows: soothe their oppression; join with your
vountrymen at homo in one cry of horror
against the oppressor: in one cry ofsy.npathy
with the enslaved and oppressed;
'Till prone in the rlust slaTtry shall be laid.
Its narnit and natute blotted from the wotld.'
—"-We cannot close our observations upon the
unseemly as well as silly attacks you make
upon the advocates of abolition, without reminding you that you have borrowed this turn
of thought from the persons who opposed Cath-
olic emancipation in Ireland, or who were the
prt t rnde ' f u'tids of the Catholic*. Some of \ mi
recollect lhat it was the custom of some persons to allege that, but fur the 'violence1 nnd
'misconduct1 of tho agitators, aad particularly
of our chairmso, Protestants were about to
emancipate ike Catholic gradually. It wes
the constaut themo of the newspaper press and
even of the speeches in the houso of Parlia-
I agitators prevented emancipation.    It was the
burthen of many pamphlets; and especially of
two, which were both written under tho title of
•Faction  Unmasked,1 by Protestants of great
ability. They asserted Ih.'mselves to be friend*
of emancipation in theabstrac'sbut they alleged that it was impossible to grant emancipation
to persons whose leaders misconducted tncm-
ihcmselvea as the agitators did.    They grati-
lied their hatred to the Catholics as you gratify your bad feeling townrds the  ncgr^cs\W
ubusc of tbe Catholic  leaders as virulent us
yours is agniust  abolitionists.    Out they deceived nobody, neither do you  d.-cene any
body.    Every human being perceives ihe futility and folly of your attacks upon tbe abolitionists, and understand that those attacks arc
(but  tho exhibition of rancour and  malignity
■against the tried fiiends of humanity.
"You say that the nboliiionists are fttnn'ics
and bigots, and especially entertain a virulent
haired and unchristian zeal agniust Cniholiry
'. ml the Irish. Wo do not mean u/dctiv, nor
do wo v, i-ii to conceal, tint there are amongst
the abolitionists many wicked and calumniating enemies of Catholicity and of the l.i.-h
..•specialty in that roost ioiultrant clu**>, tbe
Wealeyan Methodists. 13. t he best way to disarm their rnt:t:e is not by giving up to tkcm
the side^of humanity while you take tho
sitiieof Slavery j; but u.i the contra/}', b\ taking
Irishmen.