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%& BaVM aaaaaaBBBPHw^"^" ^C^Li** » *' --■»-'■»—"■ _!__! ■■ ■•; • • .- -. w - Th.ro..o.io,l.«.r ,m w^b, D^iin^.^^^^^ O'Connell, in an.wer to a communtcattou receiv- « thAorperty of hi. fellovman—you .peak in edby the Loyal Repeal A.eociaiion of Ireland1 - • • - -'•■- >**" -""u ■i-«m4- from the Repeal Association of Cincinnati, in which tbo attempt was made to apologize for the continuance of Slavery In thia country, and the terms of indignation of thorn who would deprive white men of their 'property* and thereby render ihera leaa capable of suppling th-ir families in affluence. You forget tb other side of the picture—vou hate neither sofrow nor sympathy for tacit acquie.ence in it.existence yielded by the the ,0fferinfs of those whj arc iniquitou.ly com lacn acquic. ' . . . . . l^*Tjed t0 labor for the aflience ot others; those free State.. It i. written in a spirit of christian philanthropy, and is worthy an attentive pe rusal by all. DANIEL O'CONNELL'S LETTER. The commute to whom tbe address from the who work without wages, pense—who spend their .. _ others the splendor and vf-alth in which they d. %ho toil without recom- ives in (procuring for not participate. Vou tftta of the wretched black mc y forget the suffering* fc who are deprived of their all without any compensation or redrest. Cincinnati Irish Repeal Aa.ociation, on the jf you yourselves all of / subject of negro slavery in the United States of America, was refered, have agreed to the following report;-— To I>. T. Disnkt, Esq.,Corresponding Secretary, W. HisTtR. Esq., Vice President, kc. &c. " Corn Exchange Rooms, Dublin, 11th October, 1843. 4,f.EaTLMK»—We have read with tho deep- eat affliction, not unmixed with some surprise and much indignation, your detailed and anxious vindication of the most hideous crime that has ever stained humanity—the slavery of men of color in the United States of America. Wo are lost in utter atnszement at the perversion of mind and depravity of heart which your address evinces. How can the generous, the charitable; the humane, the noble emotions of tbe Irish beart have become extinct amongst you!—How can your na-: ture be so changed as that you should become the apologists and advocates of lhat execrable system which makes man ihe property of his fellow-man —deatro)S the foundation of all moral and social virtue—condemn, to ignorance, immorality, and irreligion, million, of our fellow-creatures—rem- _d*rs the slave hopeless of relief, and perpetuates oppression by law, and in the name of what you call a constitution! I " It was not in Ireland you learned this cruelty. Your mother, were gentle, kind and humane. Their bosoms overflowed with the honey of human charity. Your sisters are probably many of them still amongst us, and participate in all that i. good and benevolent in sentiment and action. Moto then can you have become so depraved?— How can your soul, havo become stained with a darkness blacker than tbe negro', skinl—You .ay you have no pecuniary interest in negro slavery. Would lhat you had I for it might be some palliation of ynur crime! but, alas! you have inflicted upon ua the horror of beholding you the volunteer advocates of despotism in it. mn.t frightful state; of alavery in its most loathsome snd unrelenting form. "We were, unhappily, prepared to expect some fesrfot exhibition of tbis description. There has been a testimony borne against tbe Irish, by birth or descent, in America, by a person fully informed a. to the facts, and incapable of the slightest misrepresentation—a noble of nature more than or titled birth—a man gifted with the highest order of tslenY and the most generous emotions of tbe heart—ihe great, the good Lord Morpeth, he who, in the House of Commons, boldly asserted the. superior social morality of the poorer claa.es of the Irish bver any other people—he; the best friend of any of the Saxon race that Ireland or the Irish ever knew—be, amidst congregated thousand, at Exeter Hall, in London, mournfully, but firmly, denounced the Irish in America as being amongst the worst enemies of the negro .lav., and othrr men of colour. " It is, therefore, our solemn and sacred duty to warn you ia words already used, and much misunderstood by you, to 'come out of her,' not thereby meaning to ask you to come merica! but out of the council* of the iniquitous, . and out of the congregation of the wicked, who consider man a chattel and a property, and liberty an inconvenience. Yes, we tell you to come out of such sssemblages; but wo did not, and do j not, iuvtte you to return to Ireland. The volun-■ teer defenders of slavery, surrounded by one thousand crimes, would find neither sympathy were, without crime or o ou, or if any of jounce commuted by yoi handed over into perpetual slav« ry—if you were compelled to work from aViirise lo sunset without wages—supplied only wih such coarse food and (raiment as would keep jtu in working order—if when your 'owner' fell htodebt, you were sold to pay air debts, not youi >wn—if it were made a crime to teach you to rador to write—if/you were Irable to bo separied, in this distribution lamuch as you rely on tbe constitution of tbe A- ' mcrican States .. precluding the abolition of slavery, whilst you* totally omit all mention of •ne district, which the constitutional law alleged •>y you does not reach—we mean the District of Columbia. M In the district of Columbia there is no con* stitutiooal law to prevent the congress from totally abolishing slavery in that diairict. Your capital is there—the hail of your republican representatives—the hall of your republican senators—the national palace of your republican Presl- dent is there—and slavery is there, too, in its most revolting form. The slave trade is there— the moat disgusting traffic in human beings is there. Human fleuh is bought and sold like .wine in ihe pif> market—aye, in your capital,-yonr Washington.' Ye., let American, be a. proud aa they please, this black spot is on their escutcheon. Even under the shade of ihe temple of their constitution, the man of color crawls a slave and ihe ta*ny American stalks a tyrant. M The cruelty of the slave principle, rest, not there, it goo» much farther. The wretched alsvea are totally prohibited from petitioning congress; the poor aod paltry privilege even of prayer 1. ~.oTt> I Mil A tO bO .eparSeO, HI IIIIM UlOiripuuvill aaaw ^w«. --- , j r- - - ■» . \jtm.Ummm- ■?..,£, from vour *>. and your children-if denied them; and you even you, friend.. Irishmen, .w/lll weTeto L into the hands of a are the advocate, and vindicators.of such I .y.- bTuUfmasteMuu you pe.cend lo admit that tern. What! would not you at least insist that Jhe e ere Yome brutal faster, in America-if a-1 their groan, should be heard! mong all the circumstAicea tome friendly spirit of a more generous onje were desirous to give liberty to you and to jyiur families, with what ineffable disgust would, ou not laugh to scorn those who should tralice the generous spirits who would relieve you J* you now, pseudo Irishmen—shame upon you]—have traduced and vilified the abolitionists of N'orth America. M But vou came fortl with a justification, forsooth! You say that tb constitution in America prohibits the abolitiohof slavery. Paltry and miserable subterfuge! The constitution of A- merica is founded upoi the declaration of independence; that doclaratun published to the world | its glorious principlea^hai charier of your freedom contained these emphatic worda— " We hold these truus lo be self evident that ALL MEN ARE'CIEATED EQUAL: that rbey are endowed by tcir Creator with certain 'unalienable' rights; tbt amongst these are life, LIBERTY,and ihe pursuits of happiness." And tho conclusion of thstaddress is in these words: 'For tbe support of tbs declaration, with a firm reliance upon the Proiction of Divine Ptovidence we mutually pledge c :h other our lives, our fortunes, and oua bacr'k honor.' "There is Ameru.n honor for you! There ia a profane illusion t> the adorable Creator! " Recollect thai tl. declaration does not limit the equality of manic the right to life and liberty to the white, lotto brown, or to the copper- colored races; it inpldes all races—it excludes none. - i " We do not dfl;a to argue with you, oji the terms of the America constitution, aod we can not help asserting jtat in that constitution the words 'slavery* or '.-ave' are not to bo found. There are, indeed, tb words; {persona-bound to labor,' but it is not .id Mow bound; and a constitutional lawyer orjdge, construing the American constitution wit: a reference to ihe declaration of independent* which is its basis, would not hesitate to dealt that 'bound to labor' ought in a court of justictto mean 'hound by contract to labor,' and show-oot be held to imply forced or compelled to labo-' in the absence of all contract, and for the elusive benefit of othera. Frpeat lhat we do not deign to ii you, as we proclaim to tbe ■ction that no couatitutional ►.nction slavery. Slavery is f-sl priucple. uf society; but i say, us regards Ameiicans, ougnaut m that declaration of inen, and to tbe inalienable 4 life and liberty-. To this i "However, w< argue this point the world our c< law can create repugnant to th« it is enough for that it is utterly the equality of right of all meoj declaration the f' have, in the pert pledged their4' » We shall a| citizena of the United States tof their ancestors, solemnly rl honor.* . . cce show you how that 'sacred It is carried still farther. Even the freeborn white Americans are not allowed to petition upon the subject, including tho question of slavery; or, at least, no such petition can be read aloud or printed; and although the congress is entitled to abuliah slavery io Columbia, the door for petition praying that abolition is closed without the power of being opened. " We really think that men who came froi generous and warm-hearted Ireland should ahrin into nonentity rather than become the advocates and defendant, of the system of slavery. But wo trust that the voice of indignant Ireland Will scathe them, and prevent them from repeating such a criroeV^/-. '*In another point ef view, ytreraedi possible, more eulpable. You state that bef i the abolitionists proclaimed the wish to have i • v.ry abolished, several slave-holding States w i preparing for the gradual emancipation of ll r negroes, and that humano individuals in ot r States were about to adopt similar measures. " We utterly deny your assertion, and we < r you to show any single instance of preparat y steps taken by any State for the eraancipatioi <f the negro*, before the abolition demand wa.n i- ed. You violate tbe truth in that asecrtij There were no such preparations. It is a p| fiction invented by slavehoidera out of their just animosity to the abolitionists. It is si that the fear of abolition has rendered the elok- holder more strict,.harsh, and cruel towards thltir wretched slaves, and that they would be mere gentle and humane, if they were not afraid of their abolitionists. We repeat that thi. ia not true, and ia merely an attempt to cast blame on those who coalesce to put an end to negro slavery. " It is in the same spirit that the criminal ca» lumniaf.'B his pros.cutor, snd the fellon revile. his accuser. It is therefore utterly untrue that the slaveholders have made the chain* of the negro more heavy through any fear of ahnlitinhi^^,,.. " Yet, if you tell the truth—if tho fact betlat the negro is made to suffer for the zeal oft fie abolitionists—if he i. treated with increased cruelty by reason of the fault of the friends of abolition—then, indeed, tbe slaveholders mustbo truly a.atauic race. Their conduct, accordng to you is, diabolical. Tbe abolitionist. cotsiHt an offence, and the unhappy negroes are puniih- ed. The abolitionists violate tho law of property, and the penalty of their crime is imposed ip- on the negro! Can any thing-be more repug£unt to every idea of justice! Out this is your statement. " We, on the other hand, utterly deny the truth of your allegations, and where we find vou calumniate the slaveholders, we become their advocate against your calumny. You calumniate every body—slaves, abolitionists and slave own- no?Vu7poct enioDgst tbe native uncontamtnatedl^0^,^ dfJX.r -«^. .our add.ei. is. in J every body. (to bb coimauin ) ji)f candor your tddseia is, in J every body. PAIiLAMtTM OF LIBERTY. "WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO DE SELF EVIDENT, THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED FHEE AND EQUAL." VOL. 1. COLUMBUS, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14,1844. NO. 3, D. JENKINS, Editor. 9 Thi. paper will be published under the supervision of an Executive committee of seven persons. It .hall be devoted lo the imere«te of I for people generally, and not to any exclusive set of individual*. All communications intended for the paper must be addresved to the Editor, post pud. Any peraon obtuinlng oight new subscribers, and forwarding the money fur the same shall be entitled to one copy gratia. • 7Vrin«—The paper will bo published weekly, at 75 cents per annum, to be paid invariably in advance. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Culumbus—D. Jenkins Editor, L. D. Tailor, E. Field.. L Jenkin., A. M. Tailor, G. W. Stanton, 1) Burner. •'Thirdly—We ai»k you to assist in obtain no; for the free men of color the full benefit of nil the rights and franchises of a freeman in what ever stale he may inhibit. "Fourthly—We ask yt u to exert yourselves tn endeavoring to procure for the man of color in every case the benefit of trial by jury, and •specially where a man insisting that be is a rceman, is claimed to be a slave. and we ogreo with him, lhat he has claims on the intention of Iribhmett in every quarter of the globe; the Scotch and French philosophers have proved, by many years experience, that the Irishman stands firstt among the races of man, is his physical and bodily powers; Amerce and Europe bear testimony to'the intellec- (uul capacity of Irishmen. Lord Morpeth has demonstrated in the British parliament the su- "Fifthly—We ask you to exert yourselves pcrior morality of the humble claascs_of Irish Daniel o'connell's letter. conctvuncn. •*We cannot avoid repealing in our astonish ment that you, Irishmen, should be so devoid of every trace of humanity as to become the valuntary and pecuniary disinterested advocates of human slavery, and especially that you should be so in America; but what excites our unconquerable loathing in, and that in your address you .peak of man being the property of roan—of one human being, being Ihe prop, erty of another, with as little doubt, hesitation or repugnance a. if you were speaking of the beast, of the field. It is thi. that fill, us with niter astonishment—it is this that makes us disclaim you as" countrymen. We cannot bring ourselves to believe that you breathed your native a t in Ireland—Ireland, the first of all the nations of the earth that abolished the dealing in slaves—tho slavn trade of that da> was, curiously enough, a slave trade in British youths—Ireland that never was stained with negro slave tradings Ireland, that never com milted an offence against the men of color- Ireland, that nover fitted out a single \essel for the traffic in blojd on the African coasts. "It is, then lo be sure, articling and heartrending to us lo think that so many of the Iriyh in America should be ho degenerate as to be uniongst the worst enemies of the people of col or. Alas, alas, we have lhat fact placed he yond a doubt by the indisputable testimony of Lord M irpeth. This is a foul blot that we vould fain wipe off the escutcheun ofexpatiat. til Irishmen* "Have you enough of tho genuine Irishmen left amongst you to ask what it is wo require you to dot It is ibis: , "First—We call upon you in the .acred name of humanity never again to volunteer on behalf of the oppressor; nor even for any adi interest to vindivute that hciuours crime of per sjual slavery. "Secondly—We a.k you to assist in every way you can in promoting the education 0f the free men of color, and in discouoteoancinff the foolish feelings of selfishness, of that criminal selfishness, which make, the white man treat the man of color as a d.-graded or inferior be in all thu ways you possibly can to put an end to the internal slave tmde of the states-r-lhe breeding of slaves for sale is probably tbe must immortal oud debasing practice ever known in (he world It is a crime of the most hideous kind; and if there were no other crime committed by ihe American.*, this alone would place On: advocates, supporters, and praclisers f Ameiican slavery in (ho lowest grade ol criminals. v "Seventhly—Wo ask you to use every exer lion in your power to procure the abolition o slavory by the Congress in the District of Co lumbin. Eighthly—We ask you to use your best c ertions to compel the Congress to receive an.. read the pel it ion. of the wretched negiocs, and above all, tho petitions of their white advo eaten. "Ninthly—We ask you never to cease your efforts until (he crime of which Lord Morpeth has ncciisotf'ihe Irish in America, *of being (he worst enemies of the colored men* shall be atoned for and biutted out and effaced forever. "You will ask bo.v you can do all these things? Vou havo already answered thatqucs. tion yourselves, for you have said that public opinim is thu !a,v of America. Contribute, then, each of you in his sphere, to make up (oral franchise give your votes to none but those who will assist you in so holy a .trug\ gle. "Under a popular government, (he man who has right, and reason, and j istice, and Christianity itself at his side, has the great instruments of legislation nnd legal power, lie has the elemen's about him of tho greulest utility; and even if he should not succeed, he can have h-' heart soothing consolation of having en- levoreJ to do great and gord actions. He can anjuy, even in d^teal, (he tiweet comfort ol having e idcavorcd to ponijte benevolence and charily. "It is t|o excuse to allege lhat the Congress is restricted from emancipating tho siuves bv one general f&tv. Etch patt cuiur aiave state has that power within its own precincts; and there is everv reason to bo convinced ihaf'Ma ryland and Virginia would have followed lb:- example of New Yjrk, and long ago abolished slavery but for ihe diabolical prayctii-'e of 'rajs ing1 (is you call it) stave* f'.<r the southern market of pestilence and dea>b. "Irishmen and the son. of Irishmen, have, many of them, risen to h'wU distinction and power in Aintrica. Why should uul Irishmen write their names in tbe brightest puges of the chapter of humanity and bcuevolcncc io American hititory. ''lribhmen, our chairman ventures to think, that public opinion. WhereI you have the elrft+S;" ° , "V^1 " T • f ?*tll&- toral franchise irivo vour Ln« u> ,^JLA™nt* '^t the violence and misconduct of iho in dll social and family relations. The religious fidelity of the Irish nation is emblazoned in glorious and proverbial certainty and splendor. "Sans of Ireland! descendants of the kind heart and affectionate disposition! think,Oh! think only with pity and compassion on your colored fellow creatures in America. Offer them the hand of kindly help, soothe their sorrows: soothe their oppression; join with your vountrymen at homo in one cry of horror against the oppressor: in one cry ofsy.npathy with the enslaved and oppressed; 'Till prone in the rlust slaTtry shall be laid. Its narnit and natute blotted from the wotld.' —"-We cannot close our observations upon the unseemly as well as silly attacks you make upon the advocates of abolition, without reminding you that you have borrowed this turn of thought from the persons who opposed Cath- olic emancipation in Ireland, or who were the prt t rnde ' f u'tids of the Catholic*. Some of \ mi recollect lhat it was the custom of some persons to allege that, but fur the 'violence1 nnd 'misconduct1 of tho agitators, aad particularly of our chairmso, Protestants were about to emancipate ike Catholic gradually. It wes the constaut themo of the newspaper press and even of the speeches in the houso of Parlia- I agitators prevented emancipation. It was the burthen of many pamphlets; and especially of two, which were both written under tho title of •Faction Unmasked,1 by Protestants of great ability. They asserted Ih.'mselves to be friend* of emancipation in theabstrac'sbut they alleged that it was impossible to grant emancipation to persons whose leaders misconducted tncm- ihcmselvea as the agitators did. They grati- lied their hatred to the Catholics as you gratify your bad feeling townrds the ncgr^cs\W ubusc of tbe Catholic leaders as virulent us yours is agniust abolitionists. Out they deceived nobody, neither do you d.-cene any body. Every human being perceives ihe futility and folly of your attacks upon tbe abolitionists, and understand that those attacks arc (but tho exhibition of rancour and malignity ■against the tried fiiends of humanity. "You say that the nboliiionists are fttnn'ics and bigots, and especially entertain a virulent haired and unchristian zeal agniust Cniholiry '. ml the Irish. Wo do not mean u/dctiv, nor do wo v, i-ii to conceal, tint there are amongst the abolitionists many wicked and calumniating enemies of Catholicity and of the l.i.-h ..•specialty in that roost ioiultrant clu**>, tbe Wealeyan Methodists. 13. t he best way to disarm their rnt:t:e is not by giving up to tkcm the side^of humanity while you take tho sitiieof Slavery j; but u.i the contra/}', b\ taking Irishmen.
Object Description
Description
Title | PalladiumofLiberty1843-12-27to1844-11-13_0121 |
Subject | African Americans |
Location | Columbus; Franklin County; Ohio |
Identifier | PalladiumofLiberty1843-12-27to1844-11-13_0121.tif |
Collection | Columbus African American Collection |
Rights | A user of any image in this collection is solely responsible for determining any rights or restrictions associated with the use, obtaining permission from the rights holder when required, and paying fees necessary for a proposed use. |
Language | ENG |
Text Transcript |
%&
BaVM
aaaaaaBBBPHw^"^"
^C^Li** » *' --■»-'■»—"■
_!__!
■■ ■•; • • .- -.
w
-
Th.ro..o.io,l.«.r ,m w^b, D^iin^.^^^^^
O'Connell, in an.wer to a communtcattou receiv- « thAorperty of hi. fellovman—you .peak in
edby the Loyal Repeal A.eociaiion of Ireland1 - • • - -'•■- >**" -""u ■i-«m4-
from the Repeal Association of Cincinnati, in
which tbo attempt was made to apologize for the
continuance of Slavery In thia country, and the
terms of indignation of thorn who would deprive
white men of their 'property* and thereby render
ihera leaa capable of suppling th-ir families in
affluence. You forget tb other side of the picture—vou hate neither sofrow nor sympathy for
tacit acquie.ence in it.existence yielded by the the ,0fferinfs of those whj arc iniquitou.ly com
lacn acquic. ' . . . . . l^*Tjed t0 labor for the aflience ot others; those
free State.. It i. written in a spirit of christian philanthropy, and is worthy an attentive pe
rusal by all.
DANIEL O'CONNELL'S LETTER.
The commute to whom tbe address from the
who work without wages,
pense—who spend their .. _
others the splendor and vf-alth in which they d.
%ho toil without recom-
ives in (procuring for
not participate. Vou tftta
of the wretched black mc
y forget the suffering*
fc who are deprived of
their all without any compensation or redrest.
Cincinnati Irish Repeal Aa.ociation, on the jf you yourselves all of
/
subject of negro slavery in the United States
of America, was refered, have agreed to the
following report;-—
To I>. T. Disnkt, Esq.,Corresponding Secretary,
W. HisTtR. Esq., Vice President, kc. &c.
" Corn Exchange Rooms, Dublin,
11th October, 1843.
4,f.EaTLMK»—We have read with tho deep-
eat affliction, not unmixed with some surprise and
much indignation, your detailed and anxious vindication of the most hideous crime that has ever
stained humanity—the slavery of men of color in
the United States of America. Wo are lost in
utter atnszement at the perversion of mind and
depravity of heart which your address evinces.
How can the generous, the charitable; the humane, the noble emotions of tbe Irish beart have
become extinct amongst you!—How can your na-:
ture be so changed as that you should become the
apologists and advocates of lhat execrable system
which makes man ihe property of his fellow-man
—deatro)S the foundation of all moral and social
virtue—condemn, to ignorance, immorality, and
irreligion, million, of our fellow-creatures—rem-
_d*rs the slave hopeless of relief, and perpetuates
oppression by law, and in the name of what you
call a constitution! I
" It was not in Ireland you learned this cruelty. Your mother, were gentle, kind and humane.
Their bosoms overflowed with the honey of human charity. Your sisters are probably many of
them still amongst us, and participate in all that
i. good and benevolent in sentiment and action.
Moto then can you have become so depraved?—
How can your soul, havo become stained with a
darkness blacker than tbe negro', skinl—You .ay
you have no pecuniary interest in negro slavery.
Would lhat you had I for it might be some palliation of ynur crime! but, alas! you have inflicted
upon ua the horror of beholding you the volunteer advocates of despotism in it. mn.t frightful
state; of alavery in its most loathsome snd unrelenting form.
"We were, unhappily, prepared to expect some
fesrfot exhibition of tbis description. There has
been a testimony borne against tbe Irish, by birth
or descent, in America, by a person fully informed a. to the facts, and incapable of the slightest
misrepresentation—a noble of nature more than
or titled birth—a man gifted with the highest
order of tslenY and the most generous emotions
of tbe heart—ihe great, the good Lord Morpeth,
he who, in the House of Commons, boldly asserted the. superior social morality of the poorer
claa.es of the Irish bver any other people—he;
the best friend of any of the Saxon race that Ireland or the Irish ever knew—be, amidst congregated thousand, at Exeter Hall, in London,
mournfully, but firmly, denounced the Irish in
America as being amongst the worst enemies of
the negro .lav., and othrr men of colour.
" It is, therefore, our solemn and sacred duty
to warn you ia words already used, and much
misunderstood by you, to 'come out of her,' not
thereby meaning to ask you to come
merica! but out of the council* of the iniquitous,
. and out of the congregation of the wicked, who
consider man a chattel and a property, and liberty an inconvenience. Yes, we tell you to come
out of such sssemblages; but wo did not, and do j
not, iuvtte you to return to Ireland. The volun-■
teer defenders of slavery, surrounded by one
thousand crimes, would find neither sympathy
were, without crime or o
ou, or if any of jounce commuted by yoi
handed over into perpetual slav« ry—if you were
compelled to work from aViirise lo sunset without
wages—supplied only wih such coarse food and
(raiment as would keep jtu in working order—if
when your 'owner' fell htodebt, you were sold
to pay air debts, not youi >wn—if it were made a
crime to teach you to rador to write—if/you
were Irable to bo separied, in this distribution
lamuch as you rely on tbe constitution of tbe A- '
mcrican States .. precluding the abolition of
slavery, whilst you* totally omit all mention of
•ne district, which the constitutional law alleged
•>y you does not reach—we mean the District of
Columbia.
M In the district of Columbia there is no con*
stitutiooal law to prevent the congress from totally abolishing slavery in that diairict. Your
capital is there—the hail of your republican representatives—the hall of your republican senators—the national palace of your republican Presl-
dent is there—and slavery is there, too, in its
most revolting form. The slave trade is there—
the moat disgusting traffic in human beings is
there. Human fleuh is bought and sold like .wine
in ihe pif> market—aye, in your capital,-yonr
Washington.' Ye., let American, be a. proud
aa they please, this black spot is on their escutcheon. Even under the shade of ihe temple of
their constitution, the man of color crawls a slave
and ihe ta*ny American stalks a tyrant.
M The cruelty of the slave principle, rest, not
there, it goo» much farther. The wretched alsvea
are totally prohibited from petitioning congress;
the poor aod paltry privilege even of prayer 1.
~.oTt> I Mil A tO bO .eparSeO, HI IIIIM UlOiripuuvill aaaw ^w«. --- , j r- - - ■» . \jtm.Ummm-
■?..,£, from vour *>. and your children-if denied them; and you even you, friend.. Irishmen,
.w/lll weTeto L into the hands of a are the advocate, and vindicators.of such I .y.-
bTuUfmasteMuu you pe.cend lo admit that tern. What! would not you at least insist that
Jhe e ere Yome brutal faster, in America-if a-1 their groan, should be heard!
mong all the circumstAicea tome friendly spirit
of a more generous onje were desirous to give
liberty to you and to jyiur families, with what
ineffable disgust would, ou not laugh to scorn
those who should tralice the generous spirits
who would relieve you J* you now, pseudo Irishmen—shame upon you]—have traduced and vilified the abolitionists of N'orth America.
M But vou came fortl with a justification, forsooth! You say that tb constitution in America
prohibits the abolitiohof slavery. Paltry and
miserable subterfuge! The constitution of A-
merica is founded upoi the declaration of independence; that doclaratun published to the world
| its glorious principlea^hai charier of your freedom contained these emphatic worda—
" We hold these truus lo be self evident that
ALL MEN ARE'CIEATED EQUAL: that
rbey are endowed by tcir Creator with certain
'unalienable' rights; tbt amongst these are life,
LIBERTY,and ihe pursuits of happiness." And
tho conclusion of thstaddress is in these words:
'For tbe support of tbs declaration, with a firm
reliance upon the Proiction of Divine Ptovidence
we mutually pledge c :h other our lives, our fortunes, and oua bacr'k honor.'
"There is Ameru.n honor for you! There
ia a profane illusion t> the adorable Creator!
" Recollect thai tl. declaration does not limit
the equality of manic the right to life and liberty to the white, lotto brown, or to the copper-
colored races; it inpldes all races—it excludes
none. - i
" We do not dfl;a to argue with you, oji the
terms of the America constitution, aod we can
not help asserting jtat in that constitution the
words 'slavery* or '.-ave' are not to bo found.
There are, indeed, tb words; {persona-bound to
labor,' but it is not .id Mow bound; and a constitutional lawyer orjdge, construing the American constitution wit: a reference to ihe declaration of independent* which is its basis, would
not hesitate to dealt that 'bound to labor' ought
in a court of justictto mean 'hound by contract
to labor,' and show-oot be held to imply forced
or compelled to labo-' in the absence of all contract, and for the elusive benefit of othera.
Frpeat lhat we do not deign to
ii you, as we proclaim to tbe
■ction that no couatitutional
►.nction slavery. Slavery is
f-sl priucple. uf society; but
i say, us regards Ameiicans,
ougnaut m that declaration of
inen, and to tbe inalienable
4 life and liberty-. To this
i
"However, w<
argue this point
the world our c<
law can create
repugnant to th«
it is enough for
that it is utterly
the equality of
right of all meoj
declaration the f'
have, in the pert
pledged their4'
» We shall a|
citizena of the United States
tof their ancestors, solemnly
rl honor.* . .
cce show you how that 'sacred
It is carried still farther. Even the freeborn
white Americans are not allowed to petition upon
the subject, including tho question of slavery; or,
at least, no such petition can be read aloud or
printed; and although the congress is entitled to
abuliah slavery io Columbia, the door for petition
praying that abolition is closed without the power of being opened.
" We really think that men who came froi
generous and warm-hearted Ireland should ahrin
into nonentity rather than become the advocates
and defendant, of the system of slavery. But wo
trust that the voice of indignant Ireland Will
scathe them, and prevent them from repeating
such a criroeV^/-.
'*In another point ef view, ytreraedi
possible, more eulpable. You state that bef i
the abolitionists proclaimed the wish to have i •
v.ry abolished, several slave-holding States w i
preparing for the gradual emancipation of ll r
negroes, and that humano individuals in ot r
States were about to adopt similar measures.
" We utterly deny your assertion, and we < r
you to show any single instance of preparat y
steps taken by any State for the eraancipatioi |
Date created | 2016-05-04 |
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